On July 9, Puerto Rican officials submitted a 411-page draft recovery plan to the U.S. Congress that outlines Gov. Ricardo Rosselló’s vision for the island’s future as it acknowledges that the death toll from Hurricane Maria may be much larger than originally admitted.

This plan states that prior to September’s storm, the island already struggled "with an economic crisis spanning more than a decade." That crisis led a federal oversight board to take over Puerto Rico’s finances in 2016.

As the story goes, the massive storm pushed the island to the brink, exacerbating already weak infrastructure, like the energy grid, which remains highly compromised.

This is a perfect opportunity for what author Naomi Klein calls "disaster capitalism." According to a recent interview, Klein explains that "...‘structural adjustment programs’ are often done in the aftermath of a shock, to take advantage of people’s state of emergency…" A structural adjustment program cuts government-run services in favor of private companies.

To be sure, post-Maria Puerto Rico has presented an opportunity to modernize the island’s infrastructure.

But does this mean privatization is inevitable? According to the governor, recovery is not inexpensive. It will cost $125 billion to not only repair but improve existing infrastructure — according to the governor’s plan.

And we have to wonder how contingent these federal funds are on privatizing the island’s infrastructure. The political climate of hurricane recovery begs the question of whether privatized services, or letting private corporations take over critical infrastructure like schools, prisons, and the energy grid, provide the best option for the citizens.

Post-Katrina New Orleans reveals privatization is sold as more efficient than dealing with the bureaucratic red tape of government services. This is what happened to New Orleans’ post-Katrina public school system. It’s almost all charter schools now.

Last spring, Gov. Rosselló signed a first of its kind law allowing charter schools and vouchers. This was immediately protested by teachers’ unions and their allies.

Meanwhile, hundreds of thousands of students and their families leave the island for better educational opportunities — especially in Florida.

Before Maria, 90 percent of the island’s public schools were low-income. Between 2006 and 2016, 700,000 students left the island, and Puerto Rico closed 200 schools.

After Maria, closed schools struggled to meet inspection goals, introducing an urgent crisis that made privatization look like a viable solution. Now, Puerto Rico plans to shut down around 265 more schools as its education secretary defends privatization’s flexibility and money saving measures. The debate will continue as the new school year begins.

Like the schools, prison conditions are terrible, and privatization rumors circulate in the criminal justice sector as well. Puerto Rican officials have recently signed a contract to transfer one-third, or 3,200, of its prisoners to a privately run Arizona facility.

While the relocation program is voluntary, some are calling this plan "human trafficking" — claiming that inmates’ civil rights are violated. These critics suggest that prisoner rehabilitation is more difficult when people are far away from loved ones. We must also consider that poor prison conditions may compel prisoners to opt for this drastic transfer solution.

All the prisons reportedly weigh in against the idea of relocation, so it's unclear if this plan has the integrity to move forward.

Finally, we must address Puerto Rico’s post-Maria privatization agenda for the energy grid. Initially, many options were explored — including a public/private hybrid model that looked promising to those fearing total privatization.

But, as it goes when disaster capitalism lurks in vulnerable quarters, a more thoroughly privatized energy grid now appears to be favored.

In late June, it was announced that a bondholder settlement has been reached that would restructure the Puerto Rico energy utility’s (PREPA) $9 billion debt and reduce its debt payments by 30 percent.

This settlement is still under discussion, but the move signals that privatization is the plan. New utility CEO José Ortiz explains that the goal is none other than to "sell its generation assets and contract out the management of its transmission and distribution." Ortiz’s timeline here is two years.

Two years may seem like nothing for a Wall Street salivating over Puerto Rico’s potential infrastructure assets, but it can drag along for all the islanders living in compromised conditions.

And if everyone packs up and leaves, there will be no one left to use the schools and electric grid — regardless of who owns or runs them.